Christian Bravo Allaica

In October 2019, the indigenous peoples of Ecuador shook up the political scene with a national strike that lasted eleven days. In that year, the indigenous people protested against a reality perceived as unfair and they did so outside the political system and its institutions. Then, in 2021, the favorable electoral results for Pachakutik confirmed the validity of the political participation of indigenous peoples. The political actions of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador were massively reactivated in October 2019 and brought favorable results in the 2021 national elections.

As background, it is necessary to indicate that indigenous peoples have grassroots organizations such as the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (Conaie), the National Federation of Indigenous and Black Peasant Organizations (Fenocin) and the Ecuadorian Federation of Evangelical Indigenous People (Feine), among others. Also, indigenous peoples and their allies created the Pachakutik Plurinational Unity Movement with the aim of participating directly in electoral politics. Under the auspices of this political party, several indigenous leaders won positions in parish councils, mayors, prefectures and positions in the National Assembly from the end of the 20th century to the present. Even in 2003, the indigenous people shared power for six months with then-president Lucio Gutiérrez, and then joined the political opposition.

At the time of 2019, the indigenous population was approximately 1.1 million inhabitants distributed throughout the country. The majority of the population was among the lowest income sectors, with low levels of education, health, employment, among others. Furthermore, the collective rights widely disseminated in the Montecristi Constitution lacked viable public policies.

The protests began when the expectations placed on Lenin Moreno’s government and its decisions ended. On October 1, 2019, the government announced Decree 883 which, in one of its points, proposed the elimination of the gasoline subsidy. The next day, transport organizations and unions led by the United Workers Front (FUT), the Federation of Public Passenger Transport Cooperatives (Fenacotip) and sectors linked to the Citizen Revolution (RC) protested against the government measures. Quickly, indigenous peoples joined the protests and carried out massive actions that paralyzed the country.

In the protest campaign, violent actions converged with nonviolent actions at the national level between October 2 and 13. The actions ranged from road blocks to marches, nightly pot-banging, sit-ins, social media campaigns, among others. In Quito there were marches of university students who tried to reach the Government Palace. Taxi drivers blocked the main accesses to several cities on the Ecuadorian coast such as Manta, Montecristi and Santo Domingo, a measure that was also applied by indigenous people in the mountains and eastern Ecuador. In addition, Conaie decreed a “state of exception” in the indigenous territories and declared the implementation of indigenous justice. The capital was occupied by indigenous peoples from several provinces and they stayed mainly in El Arbolito Park as well as in nearby universities. In cities such as Quito and Cuenca, Popular Assemblies were held with the intention of informing and coordinating actions.

The main nonviolent actions were the nightly cacerolazos against the economic measures, the militarization of the city of Quito and for the end of the escalation of violence. In the capital of Ecuador, on October 12, the residents of the city clanged their pots with ladles. The call for the Cacerolazo for peace was made through social networks and had wide support. The cacerolazos promoted unity in the neighborhoods of Quito and were a form of peaceful protest.

The October campaign also saw violent events that attempted to dispute the direction of the protest and its meaning. Violence and criminal acts reached a boiling point with the fire at the State Comptroller General’s Office. Within this framework, the authorities enacted a state of exception, a partial curfew nationwide and a total curfew in Quito. Furthermore, due to the intensity of the protests, the government headquarters was moved to the city of Guayaquil and classes were suspended. In the end, there were arrests, injuries on both sides, and people dying in the protests. The violence was rejected by citizens, especially in the city of Quito.

The preliminary outcome of the protests was a United Nations-mediated dialogue between the Government and representatives of indigenous peoples. This dialogue culminated in the repeal of Decree 883, the return of the gasoline subsidy, and the installation of a commission to create a new decree. This was one of the first results achieved by the protest led by the indigenous peoples of Ecuador.

Then, in 2021, in the presidential elections and in the national assembly elections, Pachakutik obtained one of its best electoral results since its creation as a political party. The first electoral round took place on February 7, 2021. In these elections, Andrés Arauz came in first place with 32.72% of the votes, second place went to Guillermo Lasso with 19.74% of the votes and in Third place was Yaku Pérez with 19.39% of support votes. Although in the second electoral round Guillermo Lasso was elected president, in the first round the presidential candidate of Pachakutik, Yaku Pérez, placed third and was about to advance to the next phase of the runoff.

The legislative elections took place on the same date. In these elections, Pachakutik obtained 27 of 137 seats, that is, it obtained 17.44% of votes, becoming the second political force within the National Assembly. At a general level, in the February 2021 elections, society’s support for the October demands materialized in favorable electoral results for the presidential candidate and the assembly candidates proposed by Pachakutik.

In summary, between 2019 and 2021 there was an intertwining between a protest campaign and favorable electoral results. The indigenous peoples and their allies managed to eliminate Decree 883 and, subsequently, in the 2021 presidential and legislative elections, they obtained one of the best electoral results in their history. In the situation described, the combination of institutional and extra-institutional action of the policy of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador could be observed.

Christian Bravo Allaica

He studied Sociology, Political Science and, currently, continues his training in International Studies. He is interested in teaching and research. It also investigates the violent and nonviolent strategies and interpretive frameworks of social and political organizations.

Translated by Damian Vasquez