{"id":909,"date":"2024-07-08T07:36:04","date_gmt":"2024-07-08T12:36:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/?p=4597"},"modified":"2024-08-14T03:10:48","modified_gmt":"2024-08-14T08:10:48","slug":"yurumanguireno-of-respect-no-to-crops-for-illicit-use-yes-to-peace","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/en\/yurumanguireno-of-respect-no-to-crops-for-illicit-use-yes-to-peace\/","title":{"rendered":"Yurumanguire\u00f1o of Respect: no to crops for illicit use, yes to peace"},"content":{"rendered":"\t\t<div data-elementor-type=\"wp-post\" data-elementor-id=\"909\" class=\"elementor elementor-909\" data-elementor-post-type=\"post\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-5a96d600 e-flex e-con-boxed e-con e-parent\" data-id=\"5a96d600\" data-element_type=\"container\" data-e-type=\"container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"e-con-inner\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-767aebf1 elementor-widget elementor-widget-text-editor\" data-id=\"767aebf1\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"text-editor.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\n<p class=\"has-text-align-right wp-block-paragraph\">Linda Y. Posso G\u00f3mez<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Colombia is a country full of contrasts. More than half a century of armed conflicts which generated<br \/>a shield in the heart of black communities of the Colombian Pacific. A shield of nonviolent resistance.<br \/>This is what has allowed for the black community of Yurumangui in the District of Buenaventura,<br \/>which is today a territory free of illicit crops and has become a benchmark in the country, to<br \/>think from their experience the praxis of peace in the post-conflict.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">By the of the 90s, the war in Colombia had already penetrated the heart of the black communities in<br \/>the mid pacific zone. The arrival of armed actors meant death, anxiety and loss of autonomy for the<br \/>Black communities. With them, cultivation of illicit use it became an uncontrollable phenomenon<br \/>that ended breaking the social and cultural fabric in the territories where it spread. But Yurumangui<br \/>was the exception.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yurumangui is a river, a community, an extended family. A territory made up of thirteen villages, which<br \/>are forms of rural territorial subdivision and are characterized by being small territories belonging to<br \/>a larger political administrative jurisdiction. The paths are located along the Yurumangui River, in<br \/>the rural area of the Buenaventura district, one of the most important ports of Colombian and Latin<br \/>America. This reality is seen by many as both an advantage and disadvantage, depending on who you<br \/>ask. On the one hand, for national trade, the geostrategic location of the port is vital in terms of exports<br \/>and imports. On the other hand, for the communities that inhabit in the territory, this reality has<br \/>systematically generated the violation of individual and collective rights.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">From the end of the 20th century and the beginning to the 21st century, war began to come with<br \/>force and with it nonviolent resistance arose in Yarumangui, which although relatively new to the<br \/>phenomenon of conflict, has always been a life mandate for the communities. It is about the use of<br \/>practices, strategies and methods based on cultural and ancestral dynamics of the community at the<br \/>service of protection and self-protection against an external actor with a lot of power, in the<br \/>traditional sense of power. That is, with the ability to dominate through force, understanding of an<br \/>asymmetric relationship where one orders and the other obeys, or in Raymond Aron\u2019s terms, which<br \/>has the ability to destroy.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">When the illegal armed actors arrived in Yurumangui and the idea of coca cultivation as a form of<br \/>work, profit, and economic growth began to take hold, a context of uncertainty and concern was<br \/>generated. A precedent already existed, the Yurumanguiere\u00f1o were closely aware of the reality of<br \/>the Naya river, a neighboring community permeated by illicit crops and in 2019 was considered the<br \/>territory with the highest prevalence of crops in the Valle del Cauca (one of the 32 departments in the<br \/>country). They had seen up close how this community had become divided, how they lost<br \/>autonomy in the face of armed actors and how there was a rupture in the social fabric. That, they<br \/>did not want.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">For Yurumangui, community autonomy it clearly what prevails as the collective territory of black<br \/>communities. This is how, through the General Assembly, a territory was declared \u201cfree of illicit<br \/>crops, free of heavy mining and free of single crop farming\u201d. However, this was not enough to<br \/>counteract the pressure of the illegal armed groups that in 2007 decided to plant twenty-seven hectares of coca<br \/>leaves, overriding the community\u2019s mandates to not cultivate. Undoubtedly there was a lot of pressure<br \/>from the armed actors, death threats were daily life for those that decided to interfere. But, the<br \/>yurumanguiere\u00f1o, as a community decided to develop a strategy of nonviolent resistance and<br \/>confront the power of the opponent.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">They developed the campaign \u201cI am a respectful yurumanguiere\u00f1o: I do not plant, grow or consume<br \/>coca.\u201d This campaign had a priority to counteract the actions of the violent. Around three hundred persons were<br \/>organized and mobilized to carry out days of manual eradication of the crops. The nonviolent action<br \/>took place for three days, a caravan of boats mobilized the population and was accompanied by a<br \/>constant dissemination of messages demanding for community autonomy, they made posters that<br \/>motivated community strengthening, rejected the incidence of illegal armed actors and the violation of<br \/>the right of territorial autonomy. In addition, during the manual eradication days, community pots were<br \/>made, a practice that reveals unity and strengthens the extended family relationships that<br \/>characterized the territory.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This generated serious threats to the female and male leaders. Opposing coca cultivation was seen<br \/>by many as an affront to the armed groups. The intimidation became constant and there was a<br \/>latent risk. However, the community decided to stick to its mandate and began to speak out<br \/>officially against the illicit crops. Their voice was heard not only locally, but in national and international<br \/>spaces. Despite the accusations and threats, the strategy set a precedent, marked a different course<br \/>not only for the community but for the country. In a county that is characterized as the largest<br \/>producer of cocaine in the word, there was a territory that was opposed to growing coca, which<br \/>despite having all the conditions of unsatisfied basic needs, strategic location, armed actors, and<br \/>adjoining communities cocaleros, they resisted cultivating. The community grew stronger.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Years later, new attempts to cultivate coca emerged, although there was already a solid leadership<br \/>that, from homes, schools and community centers, advocated to position the campaign \u201cI am a<br \/>respectful Yurumanguiere\u00f1o, I do not sow, I do not cultivate nor use coke.\u201d This time it was not an<br \/>armed actor, it was an inhabitant though. Some say that it was regarding a foreigner. What is certain<br \/>is that a new movement for eradication was formed. The Yurumangui have made it clear that they will<br \/>carry out manual eradication as many times as necessary.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">But the message was not only for the armed groups that wanted to enter the territory but also for<br \/>the national government that for many years has developed a policy of forced eradication and<br \/>fumigation with glyphosate. The message was accurate both ways. They did not want coca in them<br \/>territory because with it comes dispossession, the rupture of the social fabric, the loss of identity<br \/>and autonomy. Nor did they want forced interventions because it finishes with food sovereignty and<br \/>destroys the territory that is life itself.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">What began as a campaign of nonviolent resistance, combining various methods of persuasion and<br \/>rejection, became a mandate for the community. In 2017, in Colombia, the magazine Semana<br \/>awarded the prize for \u201cBest Leaders of Colombia\u201d to the community of Yurumangui and they were<br \/>named Cultivators of hope.\u201d Currently, this community continues to be a benchmark for advancing<br \/>organizational strengthening as key point for peacebuilding in the country.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Yurumangui does not know how long it will have to resist the violence, the crops and the various<br \/>threats that come to this territory. We trust in the new government\u2019s commitment to total peace,<br \/>the idea of negotiating with all the fringe groups that operate in the territory. Meanwhile,<br \/>nonviolent resistance has been and will continue to be the way to build peace.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">This article arises within the framework of the research work called \u201cBuenaventura: A cradle of<br \/>resistance and peace building.\u201d As an author, I recognize myself as a young, black, Bonaverense<br \/>woman.<\/p>\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Linda Y. Posso G\u00f3mez<br \/>Originally from Buenaventura, Colombia. Sociology. Master in International Relations, mention in<br \/>security and human rights.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Translated by Damian V\u00e1squez<\/p>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-c8851d8 e-flex e-con-boxed e-con e-parent\" data-id=\"c8851d8\" data-element_type=\"container\" data-e-type=\"container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<div class=\"e-con-inner\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-element elementor-element-d63568f elementor-widget elementor-widget-html\" data-id=\"d63568f\" data-element_type=\"widget\" data-e-type=\"widget\" data-widget_type=\"html.default\">\n\t\t\t\t<div class=\"elementor-widget-container\">\n\t\t\t\t\t<iframe src=\"https:\/\/docs.google.com\/forms\/d\/e\/1FAIpQLScCND_J-WI8bRi0Ec7GpZHZJRiC5xtufXmghQcl4O8EN0Ntfw\/viewform?embedded=true\" width=\"640\" height=\"1754\" frameborder=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\">Cargando\u2026<\/iframe>\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\t\t","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Linda Y. Posso G\u00f3mez Colombia is a country full of contrasts. More than half a century of armed conflicts which generateda shield in the heart of black communities of the Colombian Pacific. A shield of nonviolent resistance.This is what has allowed for the black community of Yurumangui in the District of Buenaventura,which is today a <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":358,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[108],"tags":[175],"class_list":["post-909","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-peacebuilding","tag-ingles"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=909"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2587,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/909\/revisions\/2587"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/358"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=909"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=909"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/flacso.edu.ec\/accionnoviolenta\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=909"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}